By Tariq Khosa
Lightstone
ISBN: 9789697162949
326pp.
A tour de force by one of Pakistan’s most respected civil servants, Tariq Khosa’s Walking a Tightrope — Police, Politics and People of Pakistan is an extremely candid account of the systemic failure plaguing the country. It’s also a profile in courage.
Born into an illustrious family of Dera Ghazi Khan, Tariq Khosa served in various key positions during his more than three decades-long career in the Police Service of Pakistan, which provided him with deep insight into the country’s power structure and politics. His memoir is full of anecdotes that makes it a highly interesting read.
Some of the incidents from his service the writer has recounted highlight Pakistan’s disastrous policies of the 1980s, which turned the country into an epicentre of militancy and religious extremism. Most perturbing is the role of the state in fuelling sectarian conflict in the country. Some of the militant outfits involved in sectarian violence in the 1980s enjoyed the patronage of the then military government.
The 1980s were also the time that Pakistan became the centre of a proxy war between Saudi Arabia and Iran. Both Islamic countries were deeply involved in the sectarian violence that killed thousands of people and changed Pakistan’s communal complexion from a moderate and tolerant Muslim country to a bigoted and violent society. A lot has been written about the rise of violent sectarian groups such as the Sipah-i-Sahaba and the Lashkar-i-Jhangvi but not much was known about the extent to which the country’s military ruler, Gen Ziaul Haq, himself was directly involved with these groups.
A gripping memoir by one of the country’s most respected civil servants offers a rare, unfiltered look inside Pakistan’s corridors of power and at its systemic dysfunctions
In 1981, the writer was posted in the Jhang district of Punjab, which had become the main centre of sectarian violence. It was also the birthplace of the Sipah-i-Sahaba led by a fiery Sunni cleric, Haq Nawaz Jhangvi. His vitriolic speeches in the month of Muharram had created a serious law and order situation. It was provocation for violence and, as a young police officer responsible for maintaining order and the writ of the state, Khosa arrested the cleric. His action saved the town from a bloodbath. But little did he know that the links of the cleric went up to the most powerful man in the country.
When he arrived at the Deputy Commissioner’s office to report what had happened, he was told about a call from Gen Ziaul Haq, the then chief martial law administrator, “... who wanted Maulana Haq Nawaz to be released immediately.” The cleric, who was responsible for the killing of hundreds of people from the rival sect, apparently enjoyed the blessing of the military dictator.
Tariq Khosa speaks at the Interpol General Assembly, Singapore in 2009 | Photo from the book
Pakistan seems to have never recovered from the military’s patronage of the sectarian monsters, who have turned the country into a killing field. But credit must also go to the young police officer, who stuck to his guns and refused to release the mullah without bail.
On another occasion, when the author was posted in Quetta from 1981-85, he arrested a group of Kalashnikov-toting Afghans for violation of the law and took them to the police station. Within no time, he received a frantic call from the province’s Inspector General (IG) of Police, who told him that Gen Zia was on the line and he was furious because among those who had been arrested was Gulbuddin Hekmatyar, one of the most powerful ‘Afghan Jihad’ leaders fighting against the Soviet forces in Afghanistan.
“Don’t you know who the man is and what he means for the Afghan Jihad?” a visibly shaken IG asked the author. One can understand the police chief’s reaction after being on the receiving end of the ire of the “mighty general.” The Afghan warlord hosted by the military rulers was eventually released after a surety bond that he and his men would not flaunt their guns in public.
It is not only the all-powerful military dictator but also the political elite who make mockery of the rule of law. Even the minions of powerful political leaders consider themselves above the law, making the job of the police and other law enforcers much more difficult. The author narrates an incident when the entire police command of a district in Punjab was suspended after a conscientious police officer stopped a provincial assembly member’s car and asked him to remove the dark tint on his car windows. The law certainly doesn’t apply to the power elite.
One interesting episode narrated by the author was when two young army officers were arrested for teasing girls in a shopping district in Lahore and were taken to the police station. Soon, a contingent of army soldiers ransacked the police station. They not only freed the army officers but also took the station police officer with them, after brutally beating him.
The police station fell in the jurisdiction of the author, who took the case to the local army commander. His tough stance finally compelled the army not only to release the police officer but also to take disciplinary action against the two young officers. The incident shows how upright police officers can bring about change.
Perhaps, the most eventful period of the author’s career was when he was posted in 2009 as the head of the Federal Investigation Agency (FIA), at the fag end of his career. The country had just returned to civilian rule after an eight-year-long military-led government. Elections were held after the assassination of former prime minister Benazir Bhutto, one of Pakistan’s most charismatic and courageous leaders. Her assassination had shaken the country like never before.
The elections brought to power her Pakistan Peoples Party that was then headed by her husband Asif Ali Zardari, one of the most controversial politicians in the country’s history. He was elected as the president, replacing Gen Pervez Musharraf, as the country returned to democratic order. The third PPP government in two decades had its own problems of governance. The turf battle within was also reflected in the appointment of key officials. The author’s appointment as the head of the FIA was met with some resistance from the crafty interior minister, who wanted to have his own henchman in that position.
During his tenure, the FIA was assigned the investigation of two most critical cases — the murder of Benazir Bhutto and the Mumbai terrorist attack in 2008, which allegedly involved a banned Pakistani militant outfit. While the investigation into Benazir Bhutto’s murder remained incomplete, the investigation into the involvement of the Pakistan-based militant group was most comprehensive. The investigation provided details of how the militants were trained for the attack that brought India and Pakistan close to a catastrophic war. The FIA report was an example of a high standard of professionalism.
Khosa’s book is a page-turner and a must read, not only for civil servants and policy-makers but also for students of politics and history.
Published in: Dawn News
Link here: NON-FICTION: THE UNPOLICED STATE