The arrest of Imran Khan
has deepened Pakistan’s political crisis, lengthening the shadow of doubt over
the credibility of forthcoming elections. The former prime minister was
convicted after a court found him guilty of “corrupt practices” and sentenced
him to three years in prison. The conviction has also barred him from taking
part in the elections and holding public office.
It is yet another unfortunate episode in
Pakistan’s treacherous political history, where such actions against former
prime ministers are not unusual. Khan’s conviction did not come as a surprise,
with the noose tightening against him for some time. He has been implicated in
more than 150 criminal cases ranging from terrorism to corruption and sedation.
He is facing possible conviction in other cases too.
His confrontation with the all-powerful security
establishment has proved costly to the former cricketing hero turned
politician. The maverick leader who was once patronized by the military is now
facing the most serious test of his checkered political career; an ironic
reversal of the fate of a leader who climbed up the pedestal of power with
establishment support. He fell from grace after a vote of no confidence removed
his government last April. He blamed his erstwhile patrons for his
downfall.
Pull-quote: Khan may have
succeeded in mobilizing mass support largely because of the disenchantment of
the public with the current government’s flawed policies. But he underestimated
the power of the state.
- Zahid Hussain
Khan’s standoff with the military came to a head
when his supporters, enraged by his brief detention on May 9, attacked military
installations across the country. Perhaps Khan believed that a show of street
power could force the establishment to step back. It didn’t work. The incident
led to the security agencies retaliating with a severity not witnessed in
recent times.
Thousands of PTI supporters were arrested in a
crackdown that followed the mayhem. Many of them face trial by military courts
under the draconian Secrets Act. Such acts of state repression are not
unfamiliar to Pakistan’s treacherous power politics. The major objective behind
the crackdown was to dismantle the PTI and weaken the party’s electoral
prospects. The plan seems to have succeeded; many senior leaders of his party
have deserted him under pressure.
Khan is paying dearly for taking on,
simultaneously, rival political forces and the establishment. He may have
succeeded in mobilizing mass support largely because of the disenchantment of
the public with the current government’s flawed policies. But he underestimated
the power of the state. The way the party has crumbled in the face of state
repression is unprecedented.
Despite the repression however, his popular base
has remained intact. Khan’s arrest has changed the country’s political
landscape and reinforced widespread perceptions of pre poll rigging, rendering
the entire electoral process questionable. His conviction may bar him from the
electoral field but it cannot remove arguably the most popular political figure
from the political scene.
There may not have been immediate public reaction
against the arrest of the former prime minister, but there is seething tension
that could erupt with growing mass discontent. Khan’s arrest came as the
government finally announced it was dissolving the National Assembly on August
9, a few days before the expiry of its term and clearing the way for elections.
A caretaker administration will take charge with the end of the present
government on the same day. The name of the head of the interim government is
yet to be named.
Yet the uncertainty over the polling date persists
with the government’s decision to hold elections under the recently concluded
population census. It would require a fresh de-limitation of the national
assembly seats that may delay the delay the polls beyond the 90-day
mandate.
Meanwhile, a series of bills rushed through the
parliament in the last few days including amendments to the Official Secrets
Act gravely undermines civil rights. It provides sweeping powers to search and
detain; to brand anyone an ‘enemy’ of the state on mere suspicion; to pry into
citizens’ personal affairs without a court-issued warrant.
Even in the worst period of oppression in its
history, the country has not witnessed such brazen attempts to usurp civil and
democratic rights. It reinforces the suspicion that the draconian law will be
used to silence the opposition, thus giving greater space to the forces of
authoritarianism.
Sidelining a popular political leader never works.
The arrest of the main opposition leader and the ongoing repression of the PTI
has already made the electoral process questionable.
We have seen this game being played several times in the past, with leaders of the main political parties being disqualified. But their political support base could never be destroyed. Tainted elections installing an unrepresentative government cannot deal with the enormous challenges the country is facing.
Published In: Arab News